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Februari 26, 2009

Pilkada dan Figur Kiai

(Saturday, 26 November 2005) - Written by Administrator - Last Updated

Dr. A. Latief Wiyata
Antropolog Budaya Madura
Universitas Jember


Sumenep satu-satunya kabupaten di Madura yang akan melaksanakan pemilihan kepala daerah (bupati) secara langsung Juni mendatang. Menurut data di KPUD setempat, sudah terdaftar lima calon bupati yang pada umumnya didominasi oleh figure kiai. Bahkan, antarcalon bupati tersebut masih terikat hubungan kekerabatan. Artinya, terjadi kompetisi antarkiai sekaligus antarkerabat. Fenomena keikutsertaan kiai dalam pencalonan jabatan kiai bukan yang pertama terjadi, setidaknya dalam era reformasi digulirkan sejak hampir satu dasawarsa lalu. Satu-satunya jabatan bupati yang masih diduduki oleh figure bukan kiai hanyalah di kabupaten Sampang. Tiga kabupaten lainnya, Bangkalan, Pamekasan dan Sumenep jabatan tersebut telah diisi oleh figure kiai. Pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni, seorang kiai muda pengasuh Pondok Pesantren Terate, Pandian, Kecamatan Kota Sumenep, sangat menarik untuk dicermati. “Dari awal saya sudah mengatakan bahwa saya ABK (asal bukan kiai). Kiai yang mencalonkan sekarang sudah tidak mampu lagi menjaga tugasnya sebagai ulama”. (Kompas Jatim, 5 April). Pernyataan ini paling tidak mengindikasikan dua hal. Pertama, merupakan alasan mengapa kiai muda tersebut memilih bersikap golput atau tidak menggunakan hak pilihnya dalam pilkadal (pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung). Menurut berita Kompas sikap ini juga diikuti oleh kiai lain. Kedua, meskipun tidak secara eksplisit mengatasnamakan semua kiai, pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni dapat ditafsirkan mengandung makna sebagai indikasi gugatan cultural keagamaan dari kalangan pesantren terhadap fenomena kehidupan sosial-politik di Madura yang selama ini kekuasaan eksekutif didominasi oleh figure kiai (“bupati-kiai”).

Secara politik, syah-syah saja seorang kiai menjabat sebagai bupati. Namun dalam perspektif kultur Madura munculnya “bupati kiai” seakan “menyimpang” dari koridor filosofi orang Madura. Sampai saat ini setiap orang Madura tentu tidak akan melupakan ungkapan bhuppa’-bhabhu’, ghuru, rato sebagai landasan filosofi kehidupan sehari-hari mereka. Selain
orangtua (bhuppa’-bhabhu’) yang menjadi panutan utama, menyusul figure kiai (ghuru), kemudian pemimpin formal (rato). Tugas dan kewajiban utama seorang kiai idealnya sebagai penjaga moral setiap orang Madura. Oleh karenanya tugas dan kewajiban ini lebih diorientasikan pada kehidupan ukhrowi (sacred life). Sedangkan figure rato dalam tataran praksis bermakna sebagai pemimpin formal yang tugas dan kewajibannya lebih beroreintasi pada kehidupan duniawi (profane life). Munculnya “bupati kiai” akan dipandang sebagai “penyimpangan” dari koridor filosofi kehidupan orang Madura oleh karena secara cultural sudah tegas ditentukan antara bidang kehidupan yang menjadi ranah otoritas kiai (rato) dan
ranah kekuasaan bupati (rato). Dalam ungkapan lain dengan jelas diharapkan agar kedua figure itu menempati posisi sesuai dengan otoritasnya (lakona lakone, kennengganna kennengnge).

Tentu saja perangkapan posisi tidak akan dimaknai sebagai “penyimpangan” yang pada akhirnya akan merugikan orang Madura, jika “bupati kiai” yang terpilih dalam pilkadal nanti dapat menunjukkan kinerja dan penampilan elegant selama menjalani masa jabatannya. Secara teoretik tidak terlalu sulit melakukan hal itu yakni dengan memadukan atau
mengintegrasikan kedua bidang otoritas tersebut sesuai dengan makna-makna idealnya. Namun jika dalam implikasi praksisnya justru muncul hal-hal merugikan kepentingan orang Madura, misalnya, yang bersangkutan terjebak oleh berbagai bentuk praktik KKN (korupsi, kolusi, dan nepotisme), sudah pasti pelaksanaan pemerintahan dan pembangunan akan mendapat cercaan dan makian. Berkaitan dengan hal itu sudah barang tentu pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni yang dikutip pada bagian awal tulisan bukan tanpa dasar dan alasan kuat. Bisa jadi penampilan dan kinerja (para) “bupati kiai” Madura – khususnya di Sumenep – selama ini tidak sesuai dengan harapan masyarakat di sana. Sehingga muncul penilaian “traumatik” terhadap calon-calon yang akan bertarung dalam pilkadal sebagai figure-figure
“tidak mampu lagi menjaga tugasnya sebagai ulama”

Jika memang benar demikian adanya, realitas politik yang berkembang selama ini telah menjadi pelajaran cultural amat berharga bagi masyarakat Sumenep. Tidak tertutup kemungkinan juga bagi masyarakat Madura secara keseluruhan jika para “bupati kiai” di dua kabupaten lainnya menunjukkan kinerja dan penampilan tidak terpuji. Dalam kultur Madura pernyataan seorang kiai yang memiliki charisma serta pengaruh sangat kuat pasti akan dimaknai sebagai fatwa yang harus ditaati. Implikasi politis dari pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni tidak mustahil akan berdampak secara langsung terhadap meningkatnya jumlah pemilih golput dalam pilkadal di Sumenep. Namun bisa jadi juga berpengaruh secara tidak langsung terhadap hal yang sama dalam konteks Madura secara keseluruhan.

Meskipun kualitas pilkadal tidak ditentukan oleh factor kuantitatif pemilih, tingginya jumlah pemilih golput sebagai dampak dari munculnya sikap dan pernyataan seorang kiai maka dalam konteks Madura legitimasi calon bupati yang terpilih nanti tidak akan kuat baik secara politik maupun kultural. Secara politik, sebagai bupati (rato) terpilih namun tidak mendapatkan jumlah suara signifikan bisa dipahami jika kelak kebijakan-kebijakan yang diambilnya tidak akan mendapat dukungan dan akan selalu mendapat batu sandungan bahkan perlawanan dari masyarakat di sana. Lebih-lebih jika kebijakan-kebijakan itu tidak memihak pada kepentingan masyarakat Madura. Secara cultural, dampak yang akan ditanggungnya sangat berat. Tegasnya, kapasitas dan otoritas ke-kiai-annya (sebagai ghuru) semakin pudar bahkan martabat dan kewibawaannya sebagai figure kiai yang selama ini menjadi rujukan dan panutan utama orang Madura – lambat namun pasti – akan hilang.

Dalam konteks ini secara tersirat pernyataan KH. Abdul Rahem Usymuni mengandung makna lain sebagai early warning (peringatan dini) yang harus diperhatikan dengan sungguh-sungguh oleh para calon “bupati kiai” yang akan bertarung dalam pilkadal Juni mendatang. Makna pernyataan tersebut sudah sangat jelas arahnya agar filosofi orang Madura
sebagaimana tersirat dan tersurat dalam ungkapan bhuppa’-bhabhu’, ghuru, rato tidak dicemari oleh kepentingankepentingan politik. Tegasnya, meskipun tugas-tugas dan kewajiban-kewajiban sebagai bupati (rato) sarat dengan dimensi dan kepentingan-kepentingan politik namun sudah seharusnya yang bersangkutan tetap mampu menampilkan dirinya dalam kapasitas sebagai figure ghuru dengan landasan nilai-nilai keagamaan. Hal ini untuk membentengi diri agar tidak terjebak oleh segala bentuk tindakan tidak terpuji dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan seperti misalnya melakukan KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme). Masyarakat sudah terlalu muak dengan tindakan tersebut. Padahal dengan munculnya figure-figure kiai dalam kancah politik praktis (baca: sebagai “bupati kiai”) secara ideal dan seharusnya penyelenggaraan pemerintahan menjadi semakin bersih dan baik (clean government and good governance) sehinggamenyejukkan bagi setiap orang Madura di mana pun mereka berada. Bukan justru sebaliknya!

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Desember 08, 2008

DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND COMMUNAL CONFLICT IN MADURA (3 0f 3)

This paper is presented in Workshop on “Peace Education and Conflict Communal in Indonesia” at Asian Institute of Management Conference Center Manila, Philippines, August 27-29 2003. It is based on Research Report “Proses Demokratisasi in Indonesia, Kasus Pemilihan Bupati Sampang, Madura Periode 2000-2005” (2001) sponsored by USAID Jakarta.



(3 of 3)


DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND COMMUNAL CONFLICT IN MADURA

The Case of Election of Mayor (Bupati) in Sampang, Madura
For the Term of 2000-2005


Dr. A. Latief Wiyata
Trunojoyo University, Bangkalan - Madura
University of Jember, Jember - East Java




Before the order was performed, governor received another letter from Ministry of home affair and President that contain the delay of the inauguration. Actually President urged the legal law of Fadhilah Budiono should be executed as the FKB claim. Governor received the letter from President on Tuesday, March 20th, 2001. It seemed that governor rather to follow President, especially considering the field condition (Jawa Pos, 21 Maret 2001). Hence, earlier governor had said that he was going to inaugurate Fadhilah Budiono if the radiogram from ministry of home affair No. 131.35/138A/PUMDA, dated September 6th, 2000 cancelled (Jawa Pos, 25 Januari 2001). The problems of East Java governor to solve the case of election of mayor in Sampang were caused by invincible hands from Jakarta. It seemed that they wanted to promote their people to be a mayor in Sampang (Jawa Pos 22 Februari 2001). These facts confused some of the people in Sampang.

The chaos of the election of mayor and vice-mayor in Sampang left a big impact that influenced the work performance of the parliament and the local government. Half of the local parliament members who support Fadhilah stated vacuum as for the member of the local parliament until the mayor and vice mayor was inaugurated. The village leaders boycotted to pay their housing and land tax. They also gave a waiver for retribution for the merchandiser in the market and terminals. The community aspiration would well accommodated to the parliament. The process of promotion for government employees and local government employees was slow due to the need of to be signed by the definitive mayor. The government monitoring was weak, that caused the leak of the local government budget. The plan of local yearly budget of 20021 and local autonomy regulations had not been done. Therefore, this weakens the running of local government and local development.

Community complained the condition above. Due to the vacuum of parliament performance, military/police fraction members were split into two groups, the supporters and the opponents with their own reasons. The arguing of the local parliaments members who supports their mayor and vice-mayor candidacy getting worse. To solve problem in the military/police fraction, therefore the military territory commander (Pangdam) V Brawijaya for third times asked the chair of local parliament (DPRD) to return the chair of military/police fraction, Lieutenant colonel MA Mukiban, to Pangdam V Brawijaya. The chair of DPRD, Hasan Asyari initially opposed the request of Pangdam. After nine months of confusion, finally the withdrawal of MA M


The aggressiveness of Pangdam and the slow action of DPRD Sampang to precede the request, showed the internal political interests from both sides. From the field, the act of Pangdam was driven by three factors. First, the external tensions from scholars and PKB to ask Pangdam did something to the chair of military/police fraction, MA Mukiban, due to action in the election. Second, It was about “safety first” for Pangdam that leaned to PKB as the compensation of its bad relationship with Gus Dur (The President). Third, Pangdam showed its solidarity, due to the split of its power currently. It was indicated that there was military involvement in case of the mayor election in Sampang.

Further more, in the process of local politics and the mass mobilizations of parties; the role of businessmen as the elite of economic power was strong. The both sides that arguing was supported by group of businessmen. They had strong interest in the election of mayor in Sampang, since the mayor would have the power of distributing projects of local developments and other economical interest from the local resources, such natural gas in Sampang. A few of them had a good relationship with elite military/police leaders in Sampang and Surabaya. One politician said that the effort to get the mayor position in Sampang was connected with the future interest of those big projects.


4. Conclusion

From the discussion above, it can be concluded that the chaos of election of mayor in Sampang driven from the frustration of PKB in election of mayor in Sampang. This frustration lead to the cancellation of the results of the election of mayor and vice-mayor in Sampang that considered by PKB as unlawful. In general, the refusal of the results of the election was since beginning PKB had its own agenda that opposed to support Fadhilah Budiono candidacy for the second term.

The case of Sampang showed the immature of the elite civil leaders to accommodate the different ideas and political interest to lead the process of democratization. In other word, this case showed the failure of the civil political powers consolidation in the process of transformation toward democracy. This was caused by the immature of internal condition of elite civil political leaders who were experienced political domination in the era of new order in every sector of every day life. This internal condition was linked to the personal performance, behavior, political culture of the politicians, and civil society. Thus, the case of the election in Sampang was strongly caused by the conflict of interest of the elite politicians, not the political mass conflicts. If this situation would continue without significant changing, in the future the military power would still be strong and solid institutions and political power that going to the winner in every political competition.

In the process of the election of mayor in Sampang, and the promotion of candidate from military/police fraction, it showed the strong dependency of civil politician to the military and police institutionally and personally. Especially for PKB that since beginning, it promoted lieutenant colonel Abdullah as its own candidate of mayor. Hence, some of its political leaders opposed the candidacy from military/police fraction. On the other hand, military had the same interest. This institution interest drove in the chaos of the election of mayor in Sampang. The military observation appeared since the process of candidacy. The withdrawal of the chair of military/police fraction, and the political tensions after the election. Those interests should be viewed in the context of institutional, and personal. This dependency of elite civil politicians showed the capability of military/police strongly controlled the action of civil elite politicians. The imbalance of political power would be continuing if the civil personal performance would not change significantly.

Both military and Golkar and bureaucrats played significant role in the case of the election of mayor in Sampang. Those three institutions were able to control and completely held the local and social powers and the local politicians. The control would not be viewed by the political powers and its politician, as the systematic steps to hold the process of democratization in the community that just growing. Social and political conflict that appear cannot be viewed substantively, and only could be viewed as conflict between the group of supporters, and the group of opponents, the mayor/ vice mayor elected. Specifically, this case would reduce as the conflict between PKB and PPP in relation of their merely political interests.

Social and political conflicts did viewed as the conflict of social interest in the process of democratization (democratic power) , and the status quo (the anti democracy). Thus, the case of Sampang was the small picture of the limitation of civil, in social and political powers that born in the era of reformation to get the strategic interest in the future to build and stabilize democracy to develop civil society that ultimately reached the civil supremacy toward military.

The use mass power or mass movement in social actions to push political tensions in their political fight showed their incapability of civil elite politicians to run democracy institutions. It also showed the level of their understanding of democracy values. Each side of the components promoted its interest rather than to find a rational solution of the case of the election of mayor in Sampang. Further more, based on the concept of ashamed (malo) that culturally able to downgrading the political group.

All of the components should solve the problem with more rationally and not to use community as political movement. This case can be use as reference as solving problem for the beneficial of community. Most importantly, in the case of the election of mayor in Sampang is the political maturity in the level of elite. Hence, the process of democratization in the community of Sampang as the mandate of reformation can be implemented properly.




REFERENCES


De Jonge, Huub., 1995. “Stereotypes of the Madurese”, dalam Van Dijk, K. De Jonge, Huub. dan Touwen-Bouwsma, E. (eds.). Accross Madura Strait: The Dynamics of an Insular Society. Leiden: KITLV Press.
Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Sampang. 2000. Pertanggung jawaban Bupati Sampang Masa Bhakti 1995-2000 kepada DPRD Kabupaten Sampang. Sampang.
Lembaga Bantuan Hukum (LBH) Surabaya dan Direktorat Operasional YLBHI, 1995, Insiden Nipah, LBH dan YLBHI Surabaya.
Stepan, Alfred, 1988, Rethinking Military Politics: Brazil and Southern Cone. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Wiyata, A. Latief, 1997. “Mengapa Rusuh Madura?” Artikel dalam majalah Forum Keadilan, Jakarta.
------- 1999. “Emosi Ekstrim Orang Madura”. Artikel dalam majalah Gatra Nomor 20/V, 3 April, Jakarta.
------- 2000. “Memahami Madura: Pelajaran dari Kasus Sampang”. Kompas. 20 November, Jakarta.
------- 2002. Carok: Konflik Kekerasan dan Harga Diri Orang Madura. Yogyakarta: LkiS.


Newspapers and magazines:
Jawa Pos, edisi Mei 2000 s/d. Maret 2001
Kompas, edisi September-Desember 2000, Februari-Maret 2001.
Radar Madura, edisi: Mei 2000 s/d. Maret 2001.
Forum Keadilan, edisi 1977.
Gatra, Nomor 20/V, 3 April 1999 edisi 1999.




DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND COMMUNAL CONFLICT IN MADURA (2 0f 3)

This paper is presented in Workshop on “Peace Education and Conflict Communal in Indonesia” at Asian Institute of Management Conference Center Manila, Philippines, August 27-29 2003. It is based on Research Report “Proses Demokratisasi in Indonesia, Kasus Pemilihan Bupati Sampang, Madura Periode 2000-2005” (2001) sponsored by USAID Jakarta.


(2 of 3)

DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND COMMUNAL CONFLICT IN MADURA

The Case of Election of Mayor (Bupati) in Sampang, Madura
For the Term of 2000-2005

Dr. A. Latief Wiyata
Trunojoyo University, Bangkalan - Madura
University of Jember, Jember - East Java






3. Reaction of FKB and mass conflicts.


Since beginning, FKB criticized Fadhilah Budiono. The indications could be shown in the two cases as follows. First, the protest of NU scholars on April 11th, 2000 to the Public Office of Persecutor for the manipulation of rice for the poor and Sambas refugees done by Fadhilah Budiono. (This complaint written as the notion of the letter of Kodam V Brawijaya to the governor of East Java in the letter No. K/275/VII/2000 dated July 7th, 2000. And see also RadarMadura, 30 Oktober 2000).


Second, the refusal of PKB’s to the speech of Fadhilah Budiono in his final report and responsibility in his term as mayor of Sampang 1995-2000. These plans were met with the act of governor and the chief military commander (Pangdam) V Brawijaya who wrote the letter to the chair of local parliament in Sampang to reconsider the candidacy of Fadhilah Budiono. Other issue about Fadhilah from scholars and PKB politicians was Fadhilah did trespassing of the scholars’ authorities. Hence, this action culturally was humiliated principle.


Two days after the election of mayor and vice mayor of Sampang, FKB began to show their frustrations to the results of election. FKB’s chairman wrote a letter to the chair of local parliament (DPRD) to reconsidered and clarified Fadhilah Budiono before he was inaugurated. This was regarding his retirement status, and his status as persecuted in the case of manipulation of rice and the status of KH Abdul Kholiq Imam vote. In the beginning FKB did not knew that his membership had been replaced by Abdul Syukur Sayuti. This was according to the governor’s letter no. 15/FKB/PKB/VII/2000, dated May 26th, 2000.


The chair of local parliament (DPRD) with the letter no. 171.1/191/442.040/2000, dated July 26th, 2000 negatively responded the FKB’s request for clarification. FKB was unsatisfied with the response, especially with the point of the right to vote for the replaced member. FKB said that the result of the election was unlawful. Then FKB wrote a letter to the ministry of Home Affair No. 16/FKB/PKB/VII/2000, dated July 26th, 2000. FKB cancelled the agreement and refused the results of the election implemented on July 22nd, 2000. (This political move was inconsistency with the statement of chair of PKB’s Branch Sampang, Fahrur Razi Farouq after the election who explained that the election was fair, honest, and democratic. He said that FKB took the results wisely. See, Radar Madura, 24 July 2000).


FKB stated the in trusty motion to the chair of DPRD in his transparency of governor’s letter for personal and political conflicts. FKB requested the Ministry of Home Affair not to issue the letter of legality for the results of the election of mayor. FPP, as well as other fractions that support Fadhilah, had a different interpretation regarding the replacement of local parliament members. FKB’s opinion was strongly opposed by other fractions’ leaders.


As the recommendation from four fractions, on July 26th, 2000, the chair of DPRD wrote a letter to the Ministry of Home Affair and East Java Governor. In the letter he asked them to issue the letter of legality of Fadhilah Budiono and Said Hidayat as mayor and vice mayor of Sampang for the term of 2000-2005.


Contrary, on August 7th, 2000, FKB wrote to the Ministry of Home Affair not to issue the legality the result of election because of the unlawful. Twenty-two members of DPRD, Sanusi and Fahrur Rozi supporters strongly stated that they cancelled the results of the election on July 22nd, 2000.


On September 4th, 2000, as the tension from the mass, the Ministry of Home Affair issued letter No. 131.35-418 for the inauguration of mayor in Sampang Fadhilah Budiono, for the term of 2000-2005. At the same date, the Ministry issued the letter No. 132.35-419 about the inauguration of vice mayor in Sampang, A. Said Hidayat for the term of 2000-2005. The letter received by Fadhilah Budiono through the office of mayor in Sampang at 08:48 P.M. It was faxed from Grand Hyatt Hotel, Jakarta (Jawa Pos, 5 September 2000).


The inauguration was planned on September 7th, 2000. The issued of the letter by Ministry of Home Affair ignited reaction from FKB. FKB said that the ministry implemented double standard.


FKB considered the results of the election was unlawful. Then FKB issued a legal prosecution to the election committees in Public High Judicial Court in Surabaya. Unfortunately this prosecution was tragically defeated. The legal victory of Fadhilah Budiono was not smoothly lead to his inauguration. This legal momentum was positively employed by the chair of local parliament (DPRD) to ask Ministry to order the governor of East Java to inaugurate the mayor and the vice-mayor established (See, Surat Ketua DPRD Sampang kepada Gubernur Jawa Timur, tanggal 15 November 2000, No. 877/232/442.040/2000 dan kepada Mendagri, tanggal 15 November, No. 877/233/442.040/2000).


The inconsistency attitude of the governor about the inauguration caused an empty of local government leadership. Therefore, leaders of parliament and the fractions of Fadhilah Budiono supporters wrote a letter No. 131/227/442.040/2000, dated November 20th, 2000, to the Ministry of Home Affair to take over the inauguration in Jakarta. The letter was also carbon copied to the chair of National parliament. The chair of National parliament, Sutardjo Soerjoguritno wrote a letter No. KS.02/5551/DPR-RI/2000, to the Ministry of Home Affair to take over the mayor inauguration due to the smooth running of local government.


Just after the election, the mass movement from both sides were on and on. The mass movements supported by FKB’s fraction based on the power of scholars and traditional students (Santri). On the other hand, Fadhilah Budiono supporters based on the power of bureaucrats: village leaders, teachers, and government’s employees. The elite political leaders from both sides were dominantly influenced that mass movement in a large numbers. On September 4th, 2000, a large numbers of people involved in the protests. They locked a number of government offices, and blocked the entering and exiting main road of the city by parking some trucks in the middle of the streets made the inter city traffics totally stop. The riots done as the protest to East Java governor and the Ministry of Home Affair for their slow action to inaugurate mayor and vice mayor elected (Surya, 5 September 2000).


It was scheduled that the inauguration of mayor and vice mayor elected would be held on September 7th, 2000. However, PKB side did not change their mind. They refused the inauguration, and even intimidated to send more people in the streets.


The city of Sampang that looked quite the day before, on September 6th, 2000 morning was shaken by a mass demonstration from the side of PKB. On the other hand, the opponent from Fadhilah Budiono supporters, they were coming from anywhere of the villages’ the city of Sampang. The large groups from both sides brought their traditional arms or knives for their weapons.


Around 03.00 P.M. the mass from PKB began to move toward local parliament (DPRD) office. Around 4.30 P.M. the mass started to burn down the office. On the other hand, the mass of Fadhilah Budiono supporters initially going to block PKB’s who were going toward the parliament office. Their intention was stopped by the securities personals to prevent a fatal physical direct contact from both sides. The mass concentrations were continuing until the next day (Surya, 7 September 2000).


At 07.00 P.M. Fadhilah Budiono along top leaders of Sampang left for Surabaya to meet the governor. In the meeting in the Grahadi Hall in Surabaya, they were agreeing for two important things. (1) They understand and agree with letter of Ministry of Home Affair No.131.35-418, dated September 4th, 2000, regarding the release and the legality of mayor and vice mayor in Sampang. (2) The inauguration of mayor and vice mayor of Sampang elected that initially would held on Thursday, September 7, 2000 would not be held until the result of the meeting of scholars of Sampang on Sunday September 10th, 2000 at 04.00 P.M. at 02.00 P.M at Grahadi Hall in Surabaya. The agreement would affect to both sides and would implement as well as they can.


On Thursday, September 7th, 2000, the city of Sampang was still chaos. Luckily, the both sides finally agree to keep the city peacefully. The agreement was reached after Fadhilah Budiono announced that his inauguration would be held until the results of the meeting of Sampang’s scholars from both sides, FPP and FPB held on Sunday, September 10th, 2000 reached. Unfortunately, those meeting did not reached the results that solve the problem. Therefore the inauguration of mayor and vice-mayor of Sampang was uncertain.


To see the results of the meeting, Ministry of Home Affair and Local Autonomy returned the case of the election of mayor in Sampang to the governor of East Java, Imam Utomo (Jawa Pos, 13 September 2000). Basically, governor as well as the ministry of home affair had no a certain concept to solve the problem completely. It made Fadhilah supporters getting angry. Hence, East Java governor, Imam Utomo had the important role to handle the situation. The strategic role was not implemented optimally due to the governor’s personal and political interest in the election of mayor. This political interest made the governor acted inconsistently in this case. In one side, he agree with the valid of the election process, hence in other side he refused to inaugurate Fadhilah Budiono for any reasons.


Several efforts had been implemented to solve this case. However, the political situation was getting worse such as the decision of Public High Court in Surabaya that loses the group of FKB. That legal decision written in the letter No. 9/B/TUN/2000/PT TUN.SBY.


Regarding these legal process results, a politician from FPP said: “With the victories of election committees in the two levels of judicial courts, means that the result of the election was formally legal. Therefore, this can be used as the basis to inaugurate Fadhilah Budiono and A. Said Hidayat as mayor and vice-mayor for the next term” (Radar Madura, 14 Februari 2000).


Large riots reoccurred on Monday, February 9th, 2001. They occupied District government office of Sampang and asked the inauguration of Fadhilah. The governor refused to do so, he said that the case of Fadhilah inauguration had been submitted to President and ministry of home affair (Kompas, 23 Februari 2001). This action ignited an heavy reaction from PKB side. On Wednesday, February 21st, 2001, the city of Sampang was in real chaos. Anti Fadhilah mass asked that the office of mayor in Sampang should be cleaned from the act of occupancy. The latest would be on Thursday, February 22nd, 2001, at 07.00 A.M. The chair of police department in the territory of Madura (Kapolwil) Drs. S. Trisna and the chair of district police (Kapolres) Sampang AKBP Drs. Endaryoko, S.H. lobbied the two groups. The claims of PKB were agreed, and Fadhilah mass went home, finally the open direct physical conflicts could be avoided (Jawa Pos, 22 Februari 2001).


Secretary general of PKB, A. Muhaimin Iskandar suggested that the elite political leaders from both sides would negotiate to calm down the situation. He said that in the case of election of mayor in Sampang, President had delivered the problem to the ministry of home Affair and the governor of East Java. According to him, whatever the decision, PKB was going to obey (Jawa Pos, 22 Februari 2001).


Meanwhile, the vice-chair of National parliament for politics and security, Soetardjo Soerjaguritno said that there was commitment from the ministry of home affair to order East Java governor to inaugurate Fadhilah after he meet the famous (Jawa Pos, 3 Maret 2001). In a later development, the clue of the inauguration of Fadhilah reached after President Abdurrahman Wahid met KH Alawy Muhammad at his residency, after President visited the refugees from Sampit (Kompas, 14 Maret 2001.


The vice-chair of Local Parliament (DPRD) in Sampang, H. Moh. Sayuti urged about the inauguration of Fadhilah Budiono. He said that Ministry of Home Affair had sent telegram to the governor to proceed Fadhilah inauguration shortly. Furthermore, the chair of the local Parliament (DPRD) of Sampang was called by the governor to discuss the inauguration. Sampang community sure that the visit of President Abdurahman Wahid to the house of K.H. Alawy showed that the president urged the inauguration of Fadhilah (Radar Madura, 15 Maret 2001).


Even though, the polemic about the inauguration of Fadhilah was not done yet. Just in a week the governor had received three letters from top leaders in Jakarta with different views about this. Earlier, on March 9th, 2001, Governor received radiogram no.T.130.35/064/Otoda, classified as very soon stuff, from the directorate general of local autonomy (OTDA), Sudarsono, on behalf of Ministry of home affair and local autonomy. The full content of the radiogram was as follows. (1) Radiogram ministry of home affair and local autonomy No. 131.35/138A/PUMDA, on September 6th, 2000, regarding the delay of the inauguration of mayor and vice-mayor of Sampang elected for the term of 2000-2005 canceled; (2) shortly inaugurate mayor and the vice mayor of Sampang for the term of 2000-2005, (3) report the process to the ministry of home affair and local autonomy shortly.





Desember 07, 2008

DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND COMMUNAL CONFLICT IN MADURA (1 0f 3)

This paper is presented in Workshop on “Peace Education and Conflict Communal in Indonesia” at Asian Institute of Management Conference Center Manila, Philippines, August 27-29 2003. It is based on Research Report “Proses Demokratisasi in Indonesia, Kasus Pemilihan Bupati Sampang, Madura Periode 2000-2005” (2001) sponsored by USAID Jakarta.



(1 of 3)


DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND COMMUNAL CONFLICT IN MADURA

The Case of Election of Mayor (Bupati) in Sampang, Madura
For the Term of 2000-2005



Dr. A. Latief Wiyata
Trunojoyo University, Bangkalan
- Madura
University of Jember, Jember East Java





1. Introduction

On July 22nd, 2000, around 09:30 A.M. the election of Mayor and vice mayor for Sampang for the term of 2000-2005 was held in the local parliament (DPRD) in Sampang, Madura, in the province of East Java, Indonesia. In the election, Fadhilah Budiono and A.Said Hidayat won the election with 23 points defeated their opponents Sanusi Djamaludin and Fahrur Rozi Farouq with 22 points.

Both mayor candidates were retirements of police and former chair commander of police in the district of Sampang. On the other hand, vice mayor candidates, A. Said Hidayat was civil birocrat and Fahrur Rozi Farouq was a politian from National Awakened Party (PKB).

The couple, Fadhilah Budiono dan A. Said Hidayat were supported by Development Unity Party (PPP), Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDIP), Union Fraction of smal parties (FG). Where as the couple of Sanusi Djamaludin and Fahrur Rozi Farouq were supported by PKB. The pool from military and police fraction was split in two sides.

The victory of Fadhilah Budiono and A. Said Hidayat were not followed by their enauguration as mayor and vice mayor of Sampang. The reason was they were convicted in the manipulation of rice for the poor and Sambas refugees and unfair election. The riots done by PKB’s supporters to oppose Fadhilah Budiono victory was continue. The reaction to PKB’s supporters were also shown by Fadhilah Budiono supporters. The absent of the definitive mayor in Sampang was more than one year that badly affect the running of the local government in Sampang.

The protests were calm down after Abdurahman Wahid got impeachment and replaced by Megawati Soekarno Putri in the house of representative in special hearing (MPR). Megawati ordered to enaugurate Fadhilah Budiono and A. Said Hidayat as mayor and vice mayor of Sampang definitively. The enauguration was held on October 8th, 2001 in Grahadi hall, Office of Governor of East Java in Surabaya. Mean while the legal process toward Fadhilah Budiono was in progress.

The groupes in madurese community involved in the political conflicts and mass violations were formally diffferent party. Substantively, both PKB and PPP were afiliated under Islamic bases parties. Most of them culturally were madurese and had the same religion as moslems and the sect of sunny. Both sides were also support the mayor from the background of military/ police. Hence, in the era of New Order, military-police as government aparat always did as “enemy” for Madurese people, such as in the riots or in the tragedy of Nipah and in the 1997 election chaos.

Culturally, Madurese exposed in their aspect of discourteous or bad manners. They also had the characteristics of expressive, spontaneous, and openness.(De Jonge. 1995: 7-24; Wiyata. 2002.). In Madurese society is also strong culturally in the family, relatives, , religious instsitutions, and more importanly is in their dignity. When their dignity is humiliated, then he would implement their concept of “ango’an pote tolang etembang pote mata’, means “One rather die then live in ashame (Wiyata. 1997). These cultural aspects drove political communal conflicts in Sampang

Mass conflicts occurred in the election of mayor was very important event in the era of reformation that offers more for civil society to develop democracy. In this paper the causes that drove the conflicts were identified, including the involvement of military-police role in this conflicts. More over, this paper offers description about the implication in the case of election of mayor in Sampang in the process of democratization and the development of civil society in Indonesia that currently in the progress.


2. From Selection to Inauguration of Mayor and Vice Mayor

Since beginning, Fadhilah Budiono get the supports from most of the components in the community (91,48%), to be reelected as mayor of Sampang for the term of 2000-2005 compared his opponents in the election. Fadhilah supported by three fractions in local parliament. The three fractions were FPP, FG, and FPDI-P. The candidates of vice mayor from each fraction were as follows: Soepandi was FPP’s candidate, Hasan Abrori was FG’s candidate, and Ruslan Efendi was FPDI-P’s candidate (Radar Madura, 19 Juni 2000). Mean while military/ police fraction promoted Panji Susilo as mayor candidate and Dr. H.A. Said Hidayat, M.Si as vice mayor candidate (Radar Madura, 19 Juni 2000). For the reason of administrative, the weak of political support, and political coalition, finally the mayor and vice mayor candidates promoted were Fadhilah Budiono and A. Said Hidayat.

Meanwhile, the political support of PKB were coming from eight sub districts that support KH Drs. Hasan Abrori, M.A the chair of PKB’s fraction as mayor candidate. Unfortunately PKB leaders and scholars did not appreciate the support from the grassroots. The support for Hasan Abrori was positively received from five sub -district parties of PDI-P in Sampang. Those five branches suggested that PDI-P did coalition with PKB (Radar Madura, 24 Mei 2000). The good offer was not positively responded due to the fact that PKB have already had its own agenda. Finally, the eight branches of PDI-P in Sampang gave the support for Fadhilah Budiono as mayor candidate for Sampang (Radar Madura, 1 Juni 2000).

Due to the lack of performance party leaders, since beginning PKB planned its own candidate, it was the retirement of lieutenant colonel Abdullah. He was the former chief military territorial in Sumenep for the term of 1996-1998 and private assistant of military commander territorial (Pangdam) V Brawijaya. Promoting the candidate from army considered able to challenge Fadhilah Budiono who came from police corps (From the PKB’s politician comment, the candidacy of Abdullah and Sanusi Djamaludin by PKB, planned able to handle social problem in Sampang, especially to overcome criminal actions that considered the source of social instability in Sampang and neglect religious norms in the community. They were the gamblers, and the bull’s thieves. So far military and police unable to handle those criminal actors). As the winner party in the election, PKB promoted Fahrur Rozi as vice mayor candidate.

Once, M.A. Mukiban, the chair of military/police fraction said that they were going to support the PKB’s mayor candidate. It means that since beginning military/police fraction lean to PKB’s mayor candidate, although, eventually they did not. The process of Abdullah candidacy created PKB’s internal reactions and the negative response from community. PKB refused to promote the retirement of police colonel H. Sanusi Djamaludin who promoted by National Mandataory Party (PAN).

Until the dead line of the extension submitting the candidacy files, on July 5th, 2000, Fadhilah and Abdullah completed the mayor candidacy requirement and Fahrur Razi and A. Said Hidayat for the vice-mayor candidacy. From the evaluation of the files submitted, Abdullah considered as fail, because the fake of his high school diploma. Meanwhile, Fahrur Rozi, Fadhilah and Said Hidayat passed the selection. The failure of Abdullah to pass the selection knocked down PKB. PKB political announcer said that the failure of Abdullah to pass the selection due to the political conspiracies (Radar Madura, 5 Juli 2000). This emergency situation ultimately PKB promoted Sanusi Djamaludin as candidate of vice mayor.

In the middle of the election unexpectedly the chair of military/police fraction, Lieutenant Colonel M.A. Mukiban was recalled by the military territory commander V (Pangdam) Brawijaya and replaced by Mayor Infantry Soedjono. Unfortunately, the decision was negatively responded by the chair and some members of local parliament in Sampang. They considered this plan was political and endanger local political stability. Mukiban knew the information on Saturday, July 1st, 2000. Meanwhile, the substitute official had met the chair of local parliament (DPRD), Sampang on June 30th, 2000. In this situation, military district commander 028 Sampang, Lieutenant Infantry Royani convinced that military would not involve in the political issue any more (Radar Madura, 3 Juli 2000). Mukiban said that personally he did not receive the letter and did not know why. Commonly, there is no rotation in the middle of the term, except for the one had the retirement or did something wrong. He was going to be retired on June 21st, 2002 later (Radar Madura, 4 Juli 2000). Because the recall of Mukiban considered political, hence, the chair of parliament Sampang did not proceed the Pangdam V Brawijaya request. Toward the final candidacy, some fractions withdrew their candidates. At the same time PKB withdrew Abdullah candidacy and replaced it with Sanusi Djamaludin. The election committee announced that the candidates for mayor and the vice-mayor in Sampang for the term of 2000-2005 would be as follows. FKB promoted the couple of Sanusi Djamaludin and Fahrur Razi Farouq, whereas military/police fraction as well as FG promoted Fadhilah Budiono and A. Said Hidayat (Radar Madura, 15 Juli 2000).

The support of military/police fraction to the couple of Fadhilah - A. Said Hidayat was not met with its main office commander, Kodam V Brawijaya. There fore it was reacted by three of the members. Soedjari, one of the military/police fraction member said that establishment of Budiono was not necessarily followed by all of the members. In the era of reformation, every member of military/police fraction had his own right to vote. The three members said that Budiono failed to build Sampang, where as figure of Sanusi considered had no personal integrity better than Fadhilah did.

The meeting of local parliament of Sampang to elect Mayor and vice mayor of Sampang for the term of 2000-2005 executed on Saturday, July 22nd, 2000. The results of the votes showed the couple of Fadhilah Budiono and Said Hidayat received 23 points, where as the couple of Sanusi and Fathur received 22 points. The results was formally stamped and signed by the committee members including the member from FKB. Fahrur Rozi from PKB said that the election was fair process, honest, and democratic.

The political power that split were FPDI-P Fraction and military/police fractions. This was initially predicted, especially for FPDI-P. In the withdrawal of H. Ruslan Efendi as vice mayor candidacy was not followed by his replacement by the party ignited the members of fraction did coalition with other fractions. They were F-Gab or FKB. This was caused by the unavailability of party leaders that nominated as mayor and vice mayor candidates. The freedom to vote implemented due to no political attachment, since there were no political leader to be promoted as mayor and vice mayor candidates (Radar Madura, 5 Juli 2000). The split of votes phenomena from military/police fraction might be the first time occurred in the election of mayor in Indonesia. It was caused fundamentally by two factors. First, there was no instruction or guidance from military territory commander (Pangdam) V Brawijaya or military district commander as the up line institution for military/police to vote candidate of mayor of Sampang, after Abdullah failed to pass the candidacy promoted by Kodam V Brawijaya. Second, there is a doctrine about reposition and the neutrality of military in the national political issue. Because of its political neutrality, military/police fraction was involved in the competition other political powers. The split of the votes worsens the relation between the chair of military/police fraction and military territory commander (Pangdam) V Brawijaya.

Fadhilah Budiono and A. Said Hidayat inaugurated as mayor and vice-mayor for the term of 2000-2005. At the same time, the chair of the local parliament in Sampang wrote a letter to ministry of home affair and governor of East Java with the letter number 131/1871442.040/2000, dated July 22nd, 2000 about the legality of mayor and vice mayor for the term of 2000-2005.

November 22, 2008

PILKADAL DAN FIGUR KIAI Suatu refleksi dari perspektif kultur Madura

PILKADAL DAN FIGUR KIAI
Suatu refleksi dari perspektif kultur Madura


Dr. A. Latief Wiyata

Antropolog Budaya Madura
Universitas Jember


Sumenep satu-satunya kabupaten di Madura yang akan melaksanakan pemilihan kepala daerah (bupati) secara langsung (pilkadal) Juni 2005 mendatang. Menurut data di KPUD setempat, sudah terdaftar lima calon bupati yang pada umumnya didominasi oleh figure kiai. Bahkan, antarcalon bupati tersebut masih terikat hubungan kekerabatan. Artinya, terjadi kompetisi antarkiai sekaligus antarkerabat. Fenomena keikutsertaan kiai dalam pencalonan jabatan non-kiai bukan yang pertama terjadi, setidaknya dalam era reformasi digulirkan sejak hampir satu dasawarsa lalu. Satu-satunya jabatan bupati yang masih diduduki oleh figure bukan kiai hanyalah di kabupaten Sampang. Tiga kabupaten lainnya, Bangkalan, Pamekasan dan Sumenep jabatan tersebut telah diisi oleh figure kiai.

Pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni, seorang kiai muda pengasuh Pondok Pesantren Terate, Pandian, Kecamatan Kota Sumenep, sangat menarik untuk dicermati. “Dari awal saya sudah mengatakan bahwa saya ABK (asal bukan kiai). Kiai yang mencalonkan sekarang sudah tidak mampu lagi menjaga tugasnya sebagai ulama”. (Kompas Jatim, 5 April 2005). Pernyataan ini paling tidak mengindikasikan dua hal. Pertama, merupakan alasan mengapa kiai muda tersebut memilih bersikap golput atau tidak menggunakan hak pilihnya dalam pilkadal (pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung). Menurut berita Kompas sikap ini juga diikuti oleh kiai lain. Kedua, meskipun tidak secara eksplisit mengatasnamakan semua kiai, pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni dapat ditafsirkan mengandung makna sebagai indikasi gugatan cultural keagamaan dari kalangan pesantren terhadap fenomena kehidupan sosial-politik di Madura yang selama ini kekuasaan eksekutif didominasi oleh figure kiai (“bupati-kiai”).

Secara politik, syah-syah saja seorang kiai menjabat sebagai bupati. Namun dalam perspektif kultur Madura munculnya “bupati kiai” seakan “menyimpang” dari koridor filosofi orang Madura. Sampai saat ini setiap orang Madura tentu tidak akan melupakan ungkapan bhuppa’-bhabhu’, ghuru, rato sebagai landasan filosofi kehidupan sehari-hari mereka. Selain orangtua (bhuppa’-bhabhu’) yang menjadi panutan utama, menyusul figure kiai (ghuru), kemudian pemimpin formal (rato). Tugas dan kewajiban utama seorang kiai idealnya sebagai penjaga moral setiap orang Madura. Oleh karenanya tugas dan kewajiban ini lebih diorientasikan pada kehidupan ukhrowi (sacred life). Sedangkan figure rato dalam tataran praksis bermakna sebagai pemimpin formal yang tugas dan kewajibannya lebih beroreintasi pada kehidupan duniawi (profane life). Munculnya “bupati kiai” akan dipandang sebagai “penyimpangan” dari koridor filosofi kehidupan orang Madura oleh karena secara cultural sudah tegas ditentukan antara bidang kehidupan yang menjadi ranah otoritas kiai (rato) dan ranah kekuasaan bupati (rato). Dalam ungkapan lain dengan jelas diharapkan agar kedua figure itu menempati posisi sesuai dengan otoritasnya (lakona lakone, kennengganna kennengnge).

Tentu saja perangkapan posisi tidak akan dimaknai sebagai “penyimpangan” yang pada akhirnya akan merugikan orang Madura, jika “bupati kiai” yang terpilih dalam pilkadal nanti dapat menunjukkan kinerja dan penampilan elegant selama menjalani masa jabatannya. Secara teoretik tidak terlalu sulit melakukan hal itu yakni dengan memadukan atau mengintegrasikan kedua bidang otoritas tersebut sesuai dengan makna-makna idealnya. Namun jika dalam implikasi praksisnya justru muncul hal-hal merugikan kepentingan orang Madura, misalnya, yang bersangkutan terjebak oleh berbagai bentuk praktik KKN (korupsi, kolusi, dan nepotisme), sudah pasti pelaksanaan pemerintahan dan pembangunan akan mendapat cercaan dan makian. Berkaitan dengan hal itu sudah barang tentu pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni yang dikutip pada bagian awal tulisan bukan tanpa dasar dan alasan kuat. Bisa jadi penampilan dan kinerja (para) “bupati kiai” Madura – khususnya di Sumenep – selama ini tidak sesuai dengan harapan masyarakat di sana. Sehingga muncul penilaian “traumatik” terhadap calon-calon yang akan bertarung dalam pilkadal sebagai figure-figure “tidak mampu lagi menjaga tugasnya sebagai ulama”

Jika memang benar demikian adanya, realitas politik yang berkembang selama ini telah menjadi pelajaran cultural amat berharga bagi masyarakat Sumenep. Tidak tertutup kemungkinan juga bagi masyarakat Madura secara keseluruhan jika para “bupati kiai” di dua kabupaten lainnya menunjukkan kinerja dan penampilan tidak terpuji. Dalam kultur Madura pernyataan seorang kiai yang memiliki charisma serta pengaruh sangat kuat pasti akan dimaknai sebagai fatwa yang harus ditaati. Implikasi politis dari pernyataan KH Abdul Rahem Usymuni tidak mustahil akan berdampak secara langsung terhadap meningkatnya jumlah pemilih golput dalam pilkadal di Sumenep. Namun bisa jadi juga berpengaruh secara tidak langsung terhadap hal yang sama dalam konteks Madura secara keseluruhan.

Meskipun kualitas pilkadal tidak ditentukan oleh factor kuantitatif pemilih, tingginya jumlah pemilih golput sebagai dampak dari munculnya sikap dan pernyataan seorang kiai maka dalam konteks Madura legitimasi calon bupati yang terpilih nanti tidak akan kuat baik secara politik maupun kultural. Secara politik, sebagai bupati (rato) terpilih namun tidak mendapatkan jumlah suara signifikan bisa dipahami jika kelak kebijakan-kebijakan yang diambilnya tidak akan mendapat dukungan dan akan selalu mendapat batu sandungan bahkan perlawanan dari masyarakat di sana. Lebih-lebih jika kebijakan-kebijakan itu tidak memihak pada kepentingan masyarakat Madura. Secara cultural, dampak yang akan ditanggungnya sangat berat. Tegasnya, kapasitas dan otoritas ke-kiai-annya (sebagai ghuru) semakin pudar bahkan martabat dan kewibawaannya sebagai figure kiai yang selama ini menjadi rujukan dan panutan utama orang Madura – lambat namun pasti – akan hilang.

Dalam konteks ini secara tersirat pernyataan KH. Abdul Rahem Usymuni mengandung makna lain sebagai early warning (peringatan dini) yang harus diperhatikan dengan sungguh-sungguh oleh para calon “bupati kiai” yang akan bertarung dalam pilkadal Juni mendatang. Makna pernyataan tersebut sudah sangat jelas arahnya agar filosofi orang Madura sebagaimana tersirat dan tersurat dalam ungkapan bhuppa’-bhabhu’, ghuru, rato tidak dicemari oleh kepentingan-kepentingan politik. Tegasnya, meskipun tugas-tugas dan kewajiban-kewajiban sebagai bupati (rato) sarat dengan dimensi dan kepentingan-kepentingan politik namun sudah seharusnya yang bersangkutan tetap mampu menampilkan dirinya dalam kapasitas sebagai figure ghuru dengan landasan nilai-nilai keagamaan. Hal ini untuk membentengi diri agar tidak terjebak oleh segala bentuk tindakan tidak terpuji dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan seperti misalnya melakukan KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme). Masyarakat sudah terlalu muak dengan tindakan tersebut. Padahal dengan munculnya figure-figure kiai dalam kancah politik praktis (baca: sebagai “bupati kiai”) secara ideal dan seharusnya penyelenggaraan pemerintahan menjadi semakin bersih dan baik (clean government and good governance) sehingga menyejukkan bagi setiap orang Madura di mana pun mereka berada. Bukan justru sebaliknya!


JEMBER, 10 APRIL 2005

November 21, 2008

MAKNA “RATO” DAN “GURU” DALAM KASUS “DAU” DI SUMENEP


MAKNA “RATO” DAN “GURU”

DALAM KASUS “DAU” DI SUMENEP




Dr. A. Latief Wiyata

Pengamat Sosial Budaya Madura

Kelahiran Desa Parsanga

Sumenep




Pada beberapa tulisan saya beberapa lalu di media ini, saya telah mengupas tentang ungkapan “buppa’ babu’, guru, rato” yang secara umum telah dimaknai sebagai “urutan” figur-figur panutan orang Madura. Namun saya juga telah memberikan suatu penafsiran lain bahwa ungkapan itu merupakan suatu “pandangan dunia” (world view) orang Madura.


Tulisan saya kali ini akan mencoba membahas fenomena praktek-praktek KKN (Kolusi, Korupsi, dan Nepotisme) yang kini kian marak ditentang oleh beberapa elemen masyarakat Madura. Khususnya, seperti yang selalu saya ikuti melalui Radar Madura, terjadinya unjuk rasa oleh elemen-elemen masyarakat Sumenep terhadap “Kasus DAU” yang konon menyangkut jumlah uang milyaran rupiah. Sejauh ini sudah ditetapkan tersangkanya oleh institusi-institusi judicial. Salah satu elemen masyarakat (LSM) yang getol menuntut kasus DAU tersebut diusut tuntas adalah “NSP” (Ngadeg Sodeg Parjugha) dengan didukung oleh beberapa komponen mahasiswa. Bahkan secara tegas mereka menuntut Hadhori (Sekretaris Daerah Kabupaten) mengundurkan diri dari jabatannya sebagai pertanggungjawaban kepada rakyat Sumenep atas kasus DAU tersebut (RM, 28/05).


Secara legal formal jabatan Sekretaris Daerah merupakan bagian tak terpisahkan dari entitas birokrasi pemerintah kabupaten setempat. Bersama-sama dengan unit-unit biroksasi yang lain roda pemerintahan dan pembangunan kabupaten Sumenep bisa dijalankan sesuai dengan aturan-aturan yang telah disepakati dan ditetapkan baik dalam konteks lokal (DPRD) maupun nasional. Tentu saja sebagai penanggungjawab utama segala kegiatan pemerintahan dan pembanguan adalah Bupati. Menurut perspektif sistem budaya Madura, entitas birokrasi tersebut sejatinya

terkategorikan sebagai figur “rato”. Namun persoalannya menjadi menarik jika realitas kultur politik yang berlaku di Sumenep )dan di Madura pada umumnya) figure “rato” dijabat oleh figure “guru”. Secara cultural, kedua figure ini jelas mempunyai peran dan fungsi yang berbeda. Figur “guru” lebih menunjuk pada peran dan fungsi yang merujuk pada nilai-nilai ukhrowi.


Dalam konteks ini figure “guru” tentu berperan sebagai penjaga nilai-nilai moralitas agar setiap sikap, perilaku, dan tindakan (bahkan pikiran) orang Madura tidak melenceng dari nilai-nilai yang berlaku. Nilai-nilai ini meskipun secara eksplisit menunjuk kepada nilai-nilai Islamiah, tapi tidak harus dikesampingkan nilai-nilai cultural Madura yang sebagian besar bersumber dari nilai-nilai ajaran agama Islam. Sebaliknya, untuk urusan duniawi jelas peran dan fungsi itu lebih banyak dipegang oleh figure “rato”.


Oleh karena adanya gerakan reformasi tahun 1998 yang secara politik mengubah peta politik baik di pentas nasional maupun local, seperti Sumenep, kini figure “guru” menyatu dengan figure “rato”. Idealnya, suasdana kehidupan masyarakat Madura, khususnya Sumenep, akan semakin teduh, nyaman, aman, dan damai. Betapa tidak, dalam pelaksanaan pemerintahan serta kegiatan pembangunan daerah sikap, tindkan, dan perilaku serta pikiran para individu yang tergabung dalam entitas birokrasi mendapat pengawalan sekaligus pengawasan secara moralitas dari figure “guru”. Logika apapun yang akan dikapai tentu tidak akan menyangkal kehidupan seperti yang telah disebutkan pelan api pasti akan tercipta. Dalam bahasa politik akan tercipta clean governmanet dan – sekligus – good governance.


Namun apa yang terjadi, kenyataan yang ada di kabupeten Sumenep tenrnyata sesuai dengan apa yang diidealkan. Kasus DAU menjadi salah satu contoh gamblang tentang bagaimana gambaran sebenarnya moralitas (sebagian) birokrasi di era reformasi yang membuahkan realitas politik seperti di sebutkan di muka.



Parsanga Sumenep, Juni 2005.




Selamat Datang, Yang Mulia Rato Bangkalan

Radar Madura, 6 Januari 2003




Selamat Datang,

Yang Mulia Rato Bangkalan





Dr. A. Latief Wiyata

Antropolog Budaya Madura

Ketua LPPM Universitas Trunojoyo

Bangkalan, Madura



Setelah tertunda tiga kali dan selalu disertai suasana énger selama beberapa bulan terakhir, hari ini pemilihan bupati (pilbup) Bangkalan untuk periode 2003-2008 digelar. Dua paket calon bupati telah siap dipilih oleh seluruh anggota dewan yang terhormat (DPRD). Terlepas oleh fraksi-fraksi mana kedua paket calon tersebut mendapatkan dukungan namun yang menarik masing-masing calon berasal dari lingkungan sosial berbeda. Yang satu berasal dari lingkungan sosial dan merupakan figur kiai sedangkan yang lain berasal dari lingkungan sosial “non-kiai”.


Dalam konteks budaya Madura, yang pertama termasuk dalam kategori figur guru sedangkan yang terakhir figur “banne guru”. Keduanya sama-sama memperebutkan posisi sebagai figur rato. Dengan perkataan lain, apabila salah seorang dari mereka keluar sebagai pemenang pasti akan ditasbihkan sebagai figur rato. Meskipun secara legal konstitusional sang rato nantinya akan selalu disebut – atau mungkin ditempatkan – sebagai “orang nomor satu” di wilayah kabupaten ini namun secara kultural sang rato (sebagaimana ungkapan buppa’ babu’ guru rato) tetap akan dimaknai sebagai figur panutan urutan ketiga setelah figur orangtua (ayah-ibu) dan ulama (kiai).


Munculnya dua calon bupati yang berasal dari lingkungan sosial berbeda ini akan mempunyuai dua implikasi sosial-budaya yang berbeda pula, baik pada figur cabup itu sendiri maupun pada warga masyarakat Madura, khususnya yang berada di Bangkalan. Bagi cabup yang berasal dari lingkungan sosial kiai, jika hari ini dapat memenangkan pemilihan sudah jelas akan mengalami suatu perubahan posisi sosial yang sangat fundamental dalam konteks struktur kehidupan budaya Madura, yaitu dari posisi sebagai figur guru ke posisi figur rato. Perubahan posisi sosial secara fundamental ini penting untuk dicermati paling tidak menyangkut dua hal.


Pertama, figur guru dalam konteks kehidupan budaya Madura berfungsi dan berperan sebagai figur panutan sekaligus rujukan tentang segala hal yang berkaitan dengan moralitas (keagamaan). Dengan demikian, dalam pandangan dunia (world view) orang Madura figur guru lebih merupakan reprensentasi tentang kehidupan “ukhrowi (sacred world). Sedangkan figur rato tiada lain sebagai representasi dari kehidupan “duniawi” (profane world) yang dalam implimentasi praktisnya kelak akan selalu berkutat dengan tugas-tugas dan kewajiban sebagai “aktor politik praktis” dalam menjalankan roda pemerintahan di kabupaten ini. Perubahan posisi sosial semacam ini tentunya telah dipahami dan disadari sejak dini oleh yang bersangkutan. Sebab, peralihan atau perubahan posisi sosial tidak sekedar peralihan dan perubahan itu sendiri tanpa makna-makna kultural yang terimplementasi dalam perilaku-perilaku simbolik dan harus dipahami oleh semua pihak.


Kedua, bagi masyarakat Madura sudah pasti akan muncul respon kultural terhadap fenomena ini. Sesuai dengan konteks budaya Madura mereka tentu dituntut berpikir secermat dan secerdas mungkin untuk memutuskan bagaimana seharusnya bersikap dan berperilaku ketika sedang atau akan berhadapan dengan figur rato yang sekaligus figur guru. Pada saat dan situasi apa mereka harus lebih taat dan patuh kepada figur yang mana karena dalam diri figur itu melekat dua peran dan fungsi yang berbeda. Ada kemungkinan dalam situasi seperti itu mereka akan mengalami “kebingungan kultural”. Jika hal ini benar-benar terjadi, maka salah satu dampaknya akan menimbulkan kesulitan tersendiri bagi sang rato untuk membangun ketaatan dan patuhan yang benar-benar “utuh dan ihklas” dari warga masyarakat.


Dalam konteks itu, cabup yang berasal dari lingkungan sosial guru jika benar-benar telah terpilih dan kemudian ditasbihkan menjadi rato mau tidak mau dituntut harus dapat bersikap dan berperilaku secara jelas dan tegas sesuai dengan konteks dan setting sosial yang melingkupinya. Artinya, pada saat dan situasi apa harus berperan dan berfungsi sebagai figur guru dan pada saat dan situasi sosial budaya mana pula harus berfungsi dan berperan sebagai figur rato. Jika tidak, bukan hanya warga masyarakat yang akan mengalami kebingungan kultural, melainkan bisa jadi justru dirinya sendiri akan mengalami hal yang sama. Bila demikian, pelaksanaan kegiatan pemerintahan dan pembangunan daerah tidak akan berjalan secara lebih efektif dan effisien.


Namun tidak tertutup kemungkinan justru yang bersangkutan bisa jadi akan menyikapinya dengan sikap dan perilaku dalam bentuk “dwi fungsi”. Yaitu dalam sikap dan perilakunya sekaligus berfungsi serta berperan sebagai figur guru dan sebagai rato dalam segala macam situasi baik yang bersifat sosial-budaya-keagamaan maupun bersifat politik formal dalam menjalankan roda pemerintahan. Dalam konteks ini tentu sangat diperlukan suatu kearifan agar tidak terjadi benturan-benturan peran dan fungsi antara kedua figur itu yang akibatnya akan sangat kontra produktif bagi pelaksanaan aktivitas pemerintahan dan pembangunan daerah.


Bagi cabup yang berasal dari lingkungan sosial “banne guru”, jika hari ini dapat terpilih sebagai bupati Bangkalan, serta merta akan mengalami juga perubahan posisi sosial budaya dari “banne rato” menjadi sebagai rato. Perubahan posisi sosial budaya ini sudah dapat diduga tidak akan mengalami dampak kultural yang signifikan baik bagi pihak masyarakat maupun dirinya sama sebagaimana yang mungkin akan dialami oleh cabup dari lingkungan sosial guru (seperti telah diuraikan di atas). Masyarakat hanya akan mengakui cabup ini sebagai rato sehingga mereka tanpa kesulitan serta dengan tepat dapat menentukan sikap dan perilakunya sesuai dengan konteks sosial budaya Madura.


Bagi sang cabup, hanya dituntut bagaimana menjalankan peran dan fungsi-fungsi sosial-budaya dan politik yang baru itu sebaik dan seefektif mungkin demi kemaslahatan seluruh warga masyarakat Bangkalan. Persoalannya kemudian, siapa pun yang akan terpilih sebagai figur rato pada pemilihan pilbup hari ini, hendaknya dapat berperan dan berfungsi sebagaimana peran dan fungsi rato tidak hanya dalam konteks soaial-budaya Madura tetapi juga dalam konteks sistem politik pemerintahan di republik ini. Mungkin yang sangat penting diperhatikan dan diperlukan adalah semangat dan kemampuan kepemimpinan (leadership) yang memadai demi terlaksananya semua kegiatan dan aktivitas pemerintahan dan pembangunan daerah dengan sebaik-baiknya.


Kemampuan leadership ini penting selain untuk menjalankan semua aktivitas pemerintahan dan pembangunan daerah juga penting untuk membangun kapatuhan dan ketaatan (dalam bahasa lain dukungan dan partisipasi aktif) dari setiap warga masyarakat demi kelancaraan dan efektifitas pelaksanaan tugas-tugas pemerintahan dan pembangunan daerah ini ke depan. Kalaupun dalam prakteknya kemudian kemungkinan terpaksa harus muncul sikap dan perilaku dalam bentuk “dwi fungsi” tentang peran dan fungsi rato pada cabup yang terpilih, namun sedapat mungkin “dwi fungsi” ini harus tetap lebih diarahkan pada upaya semakin efektif dan effisiennya pelaksanaan tata pemerintahan dan pembangunan daerah.


Akhirnya melalui tulisan ini sudah sepatutnya warga masyarakat mengucapkan “Selamat Datang Rato Bangkalan”. Semoga dengan terpilihnya Anda sebagai rato melalui proses pemilihan yang dilakukan secara transparan, penuh kejujuran, dan dilandasi oleh semangat kekeluargaan (sesama tretan dhibi’) dalam kerangka menumbuh kembangkan semangat demokratisasi serta menciptakan clean government dan good governance. Semuanya itu harus benar-benar dapat dirasakan secara nyata oleh setiap warga masyarakat Bangkalan yang ditandai dengan semakin meningkatnya tingkat kehidupan dan kesejahteraan mereka tidak saja secara lahiriah tetapi juga batiniah.*